Showing posts with label placemaking. Show all posts
Showing posts with label placemaking. Show all posts

Thursday, April 22, 2010

Principles of human needs placemaking

Psychologists say humans have four sets of needs:  To be safe and secure, be loved and feel connected to others, to express their power and individuality, and have access to sensually appealing environments.  By focusing on these sets of needs in planning, design and development, we can help build places that are more equitable, efficient and sustainable. 

This essay explains and connects the concepts of human needs and placemaking, then offers guidance for practitioners.  It is meant to provide a framework for planning practice and a launch pad for more conversation.
The human needs framework can help us avoid spectacular failures  (such as the promise of urban renewal to enhance low-income communities ), get good ideas integrated into places more effectively, and help us better adapt to changing interests and demands in the communities we serve.

Human needs theories
No amount of urban planning and placemaking can meet all the needs of every individual at the same time.  People are far too diverse and complex, and we are limited in what we can know.  But we can strive to increase  the number of opportunities for people to meet their needs and enhance the access to those opportunities.

We begin with psychological theories because ultimately it is individuals who decide whether to support, use and sustain placemaking efforts. 
There are many theories of human motivation.  Alfred Adler wrote that everyone has a ‘will to power’ – a desire to express their individuality (for example, through various types of art, career success, or leadership).  Carl Rogers shared a similar view, and theorized that individuals are satisfied to the extent that what they experience is consistent with their desires for their protection and growth.  Perhaps the most famous theory is the hierarchy of needs, by Abraham Maslow.  He initially created a five-tiered structure of needs, ranging from physiological needs (food, safety, etc.) to self-actualization (the desire to ‘be all you can be.’)  Later he added two more needs – the need to know and understand (which appear to be strategies toward self-actualization than separate needs).  Maslow’s concept of a hierarchy is controversial, and criticized as being too focused on a male Western-oriented viewpoint.  (Gender researchers and those who study collectivist cultures  argue that for many people, the need to maintain strong relationships with others is at least as important – if not more so – than standing out.  However, the three dimensions of human needs have been widely shared among psychologists.  In recent years, as a result of the growth of the environmental movement, some psychologists have added a fourth dimension of the need for appealing environments.  Ecopsychologists   have argued that humans feel happier and more satisfied when they feel connected to their natural environment. 

The evidence for these theories can be found in societies around the world.  The basic physiological needs are indisputable.  The lack of food and shelter can lead to hunger, illnesses and death.  Connecting products such as alcohol, cars, and clothing makes advertisers reach.

Self-actualization needs epitomized
Though it is difficult to measure self-actualization in individuals, there are many symptoms of its absence in society.  Korean immigrants and their descendants in the United States are considered model minorities, with higher than average educational outcomes and business creation. [i]  Korean immigrants also do quite well in China.  But the experience of Koreans in Japan is far different.  Denied full citizenship rights and opportunities as their Japanese neighbors, Koreans there had social and educational outcomes similar to African-Americans and Latinos in the United States.  What makes the Japanase Korean experience more interesting for this discussion is that unlike African-Americans in the United States, most Koreans physically resemble their Japanese neighbors  -- and like some Jewish-Americans in the early 20th century, some Koreans have changed their names to ones that fit more in their mainstream society.  Pyong Gap Min, who studied the experiences of Koreans in Japan and China, argues that Koreans did better in the latter country because they could exercise their cultural beliefs and practices without the pressure of giving those up through assimilation, as in Japan. In other words, the ability of Koreans to self-actualize as a group empowers and enables them to succeed.[ii]
 
The connection between the arts and participation in civil society also shows the importance of self-actualization.  Numerous studies show that where there is more activity in arts, there is more volunteering and participation in other community activities.[iii]   

Relational needs epitomized
Robert Putnam’s oft-cited book Bowling Alone stokes fears that Americans are becoming more isolated and less communal.[iv]  Intuitively, it seems that the growing number of options for at-home entertainment (television, computers, recorded movies), and the growth of suburban and exurban communities would lead to a society of isolated families.  But as William Whyte showed in City: Rediscovering the Center, people prefer to be around other people.  In his observations, Whyte and his researchers found that when given a choice of sitting locations, most people will seat within a few feet of others.  People also preferred to sit in moveable chairs rather than stationary benches, which is symbolic of a self-actualization need.[v]   Though Whyte’s research was primarily in New York City in the 1980’s, the growth of cafes in the suburbs, and the revitalization of hundreds of aging downtowns in the face of increased competition from malls and big box stores strengthens Whyte’s theories of an urban design that promotes close human interaction. 

There are many other examples of the power of relational needs in society.  Youth gangs and organizations that provide volunteer opportunities both offer their members ways to connect with others in affirming and esteem-building ways.   Not surprisingly, both gang membership and volunteerism has been on the rise in the first decade of the 21st century.[vi]

Environmental needs epitomized
From an economic perspective, one of the best indicators of demand for a quality of life element is in property values.  There is ample research showing that enhancing the environmental quality of a place increases property values.  Looking at the literature in real estate journals, Laverne and Winson-Geiderman reported that having trees on a residential property can increase its sale price by 4% to 19%.  Their own analysis of office buildings in the Cleveland, Ohio, area found that “landscaping with a good aesthetic value” added 7% to the property’s rental rates.[vii]  In a wide-ranging study of the literature on environmental amenities,  Jackson found evidence that landscaping, signage, and other amenities that make built environments greener, more interesting and easier to navigate have significant benefits for public health.[viii]  Grill argues that adult education in natural environments, such as those provided by the residential retreat center The Omega Institute, can help adults learn more effectively.[ix]  In effect, furthering one human need can help to further another.

Connection to placemaking
Placemaking is a process by which a space becomes a “place” – a physical area that is seen by its users and others as distinct from other areas.  This comes largely from the place’s history, combination of uses, and the feelings it evokes among the people who know of the place.  All major cities around the world have similar objects and uses.  Yet Paris, France is widely seen as a different type of place than the city of Los Angeles, California in the United States.   In the United States, a place’s image plays an enormous role in revitalization efforts.  Compared to their suburban neighbors, communities in New Jersey such as Paterson, Trenton, Newark and New Brunswick have far more of the kind of physical resources that in theory.  Placemaking is often an organic and unintentional process that happens without the active knowledge of the people who give a place its identity, and help retain it.  

For most of recorded history, intentional placemaking was a craft practiced by kings, chief clerics and wealthy landowners through (and sometimes led by) their architects and engineers.   As monarchs and clerics gave way to committees and associations in the 20th century, these professionals continued to lead placemaking efforts.  Their focus has and continues to be on the physical elements of place: buildings, infrastructure, and the spaces in between.[x]  Early urban planning theory followed in the footsteps of architecture and civil engineering.

But by the mid-20th century, some elegant physical design theories failed in practice – the Radiant City produced more crime-filled housing projects than towers in the park; Broadacre City generated more  wasteful urban sprawl than Jeffersonian green spaces.  In the early 1960s, a working-class self-described housewife and activist with no architectural training suggested paying more attention to people than broad theories.   Jane Jacobs and her followers challenged architects, planners and engineers to put people in their places.    

In the last quarter of the 20th century, more people who weren’t focused on physical design – social workers, community organizers, lawyers and business development professionals – added more dimensions to placemaking practice.
Placemaking now is a craft focused on the relationships among people and their built environment.  It fills in the gaps between the scopes of architects, civil engineers, social workers, and other professionals who each have a role in shaping places.   This view of placemaking helps to justify collaborative planning practices: Even if the design proposals generated from all those public workshops is not much different from what a small committee generated in a half-day meeting, the proposals are much better because the workshops helped people feel that they designed their place themselves.  In other words, the workshops furthered the self-actualization needs of residents, and therefore would be more likely to be supported within the community.

Meeting human needs through placemaking
The following table provides a matrix of sample elements that help meet the four dimensions of human needs.  There are two categories of elements:  Land use, which comprises objects in physical space, such as roads or parks; and associational/psychosocial, which comprises human activities and social beliefs that support human needs.

Dimensions
Typical land use elements
Typical associational/psychosocial elements
Physiological needs
Roads, Stores, food production and distribution facilities, waste management facilities, energy generating facilities, auto-oriented uses, transportation-related facilities, hospitals
Emergency services
Job opportunities
Equitable distribution of public services and publicly available resources
Equitable access from residence to elements that meet all four human needs dimensions


Relational needs
Plazas/public squares, bars, residential enclaves, business districts, places of worship, community centers, theaters, historic and cultural sites

Social clubs
Civic organizations
Arts associations
Festivals
Community rituals

Self-actualization needs
Schools, museums, galleries, passive recreation, business incubators

Competitions
Openness to diversity
Fair opportunities to engage in governance
Openness to diversity and change

Environmental needs
Parks, open space, streetscaping,
Conservancies
Neighborhood associations


Additional references
Engler, Barbara. 2009. Personality Theories. Boston, New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. 
Smith, Daniel B. 2010. Is There an Ecological Unconscious?  The New York Times Magazine. January 31, 2010. 35-40



[i] F. James, J. Romine and P. Terry.  Big City Labor Markets and Immigrant Economic Performance. Policy Studies Journal, Vol. 30, No. 1, (2002), pp. 107-131. 
[ii] P.G. Min. A Comparison of the Korean Minorities. International Migration Review,
 Vol. 26, No. 1 (Spring, 1992), pp. 4-21
[iii] National Assembly of State Arts Agencies.  Arts Participation and Civic Engagement Linked in New Research. NASAA Notes, December 2006.  http://www.enewsbuilder.net/nasaanotes/e_article000701234.cfm?x=bf5pFGV,b57JMnRS,w  Also M. Stephenson.  Developing Community Leadership Through the Arts in Southside Virginia: Social Networks, Civic Identity and Civic Change. Community Development Journal. Vol. 42, No. 1, (July 2005),  p. 79-96.
[iv] __________, Bowling Alone, http://www.bowlingalone.com/#.  Undated.  Reviewed on March 28, 2010.
[v] W. Whyte. City: Rediscovering the Center. 2009. University of Pennsylvania Press. Originally published in 1988.
[vi] For information on why youth join gangs, see J. Howell. Youth Gangs: An Overview. Juvenile Justice Bulletin, August 1998. http://www.ojjdp.ncjrs.gov/jjbulletin/9808/intro.html  For information on the growth of gangs in the United States, see M. Carlie. Into the Abyss: A Personal Journey into the World of Street Gangs. http://faculty.missouristate.edu/m/MichaelCarlie/what_I_learned_about/GANGS/demographics_number.htm. Undated, but with information from as late as 2006.  For information on the growth of volunteerism, see R. Grimm et. al. Volunteer Growth in America: A Review of Trends Since 1974. December 2006  http://www.serveminnesota.org/PDFFiles/VolunteerGrowthReport.pdf
[vii] R. LaVerne and K. Winson-Geiderman. The Influence of Trees and Landscaping on Rental Rates in Office Buildings. Journal of Arboriculture Volume 29 Number 5. (2003) 281-290
[viii] L. Jackson.  The Relationship of Urban Design to Human Health and Condition. Landscape and Urban Planning 64 (2003) 191–200.
[ix] J. Grill. Natural Settings, Restorative Environments, and Adult Learning. Adult Learning Volume 14, Number 3 (Summer 2003) 20-23

[x] It’s not surprising that English translations of European documents equate ‘plan’ and ‘map’.

Monday, November 30, 2009

When a fence is more than a fence

Someone in my hometown, a leafy, liberal New Jersey suburb, put up a fence. It's a nice fence: Americana white pickets that curve gently, rising from two feet high to a little more than four feet where they meet the solid fenceposts. It stands at the property lines of a beautiful Victorian-style house. I went to a zoning board meeting to have it removed.

My problem was not the fence itself. It was the symbolic communication of the fence. Several years ago, my town required in its zoning ordinance that front-yard fences be no more than two feet high and placed no closer to the street than the building setback line. (The setback line is the marker that tells you how close your building can be to the street or your neighbors' property.) The purpose was also symbolic: to let residents and visitors know that the town is safe and welcoming. Fences send a different message: This is my property. Stay away.

Another reason: The fence was built illegally. The property owner's representative said his client was given permission by the local building official to put up the fence, but offered no proof. If the zoning board allowed the property owner to keep the fence, the board would implicitly be sending the message that it's better in our town to beg forgiveness than to ask permission. Obsessing over rules and regulations may be unwise and unhealthy -- except to lawyers -- but sometimes you risk compounding a mistake by letting it go.
In his application to the zoning board, the applicant said that the fence was for safety and privacy. But this didn't make much sense. Neighbors said there were never any problems with intruders walking on the property. (A two-foot fence is not going to deter anyone anyway.) The fence has large gaps where you would expect gates to be, as well as gaps between fence posts and trees on the property. So it seems that the fence is meant to say: This is my property. Stay away.

After objections to the fence by several neighbors, the zoning board denied the applicant's request.

This story is not really about a fence. It is about the strength of objects in our built environment to be symbols. Symbols are physical objects (like fences) or conceptual objects (like logos) that convey information about the values, beliefs, customs, etc. of a place or organization.

Symbols are powerful because they give us a shorthand way of processing information about complex systems. We use symbolic communication every day in our gestures and rituals, and often convey symbolic stature on the objects in our offices and communities.

Imagine that your office is ordering new chairs. Everyone gets the same type of chair, except for the office director. Now the chairs aren't just furniture. They're symbols of the difference in status between the office director and everyone else.

Of all the land use disciplines, urban design and place marketing are most focused on symbolic communication. Too many people make the mistake of thinking that streetscaping, historic preservation and other urban design issues are just "decoration" and luxuries. These people tend to think that market forces will ensure quality design, or that no one should be told "what to do" with their property. This is an expensive mistake. People would rather go and live where they can make sense of place; in other words, where the symbols provide clearer communication.

Of course, urban design can be used as a tool for excluding people or trying to control social behavior.  That is why in an increasingly diverse world, we have to be more mindful of the symbols, and the people who determine the rules about them, in our communities.  Take a look at your community's historic preservation, zoning, and design review boards.  How much diversity do you see there?

So there has to be a balance between the community's desire to provide some sense of order and individuals' desires to express themselves and feel they have a stake in the community. In this case, the fence sent a message that was wholly inconsistent with the community's intended messages of openness and friendliness. That's why no matter how nice the fence was, it was in the wrong place for the wrong reasons. If you find yourself on an architectural review board that is deciding what colors should be allowed on residential properties, please do more than look at what colors you like. Think about who likes those colors and what they symbolize about the community.

   

--Leonardo Vazquez, AICP/PP


Do you have a professional development tip you would like to share? 
Have a question that you would like to see answered here?  
Please send it to Leo at vazquezl@rutgers.edu

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